Sunday, March 18, 2007

Eclipse/Brain Damage

Eclipse

All that you touch
All that you see
All that you taste
All that you feel
All that you love
All that you hate
All you distrust
All that you save
All that you give
All that you deal
All that you buy
beg, borrow, or steal
All you create
All you destroy
All that you do
All that you say
All that you eat
everyone you meet
All that you slight
everyone you fight
All that is now
All that is gone
All that's to come
and everything under the sun is in tune
but the sun is eclipsed by the moon.

Brain Damage

The lunatic is on the grass
The lunatic is on the grass
Remembering games and daisy chains and laughs.
Got to keep the loonies on the path.

The lunatic is in the hall.
The lunatics are in my hall
The paper holds their folded faces to the floor
And every day the paper boy brings more.

And if the dam breaks open many years too soon
And if there is no room upon the hill
And if your head explodes with dark forebodings too
I'll see you on the dark side of the moon.

The lunatic is in my head
The lunatic is in my head
You raise the blade, you make the change
You re-arrange me 'til I'm sane.
You lock the door
And throw away the key
There's someone in my head but it's not me.

And if the cloud bursts, thunder in your ear
You shout and no one seems to hear.
And if the band you're in starts playing different tunes
I'll see you on the dark side of the moon.

I can't think of anything to say except...
“I think it's marvelous! HaHaHa!”

- Lyrics by Pink Floyd

Rumsfeld’s Biography

It’s long, but it’s worth reading the entire article. The fallout will affect us for generations to come. Remember: privatization takes control, visibility, and accountability from Us the People and puts it in the hands of corporations whose only motivation is profit. A dangerous legacy.

http://www.tomdispatch.com/

Another U.S. State Calls for the Impeachment of George W. Bush

http://www.impeachbush.tv/impeach/state_nj.html

And we got squeamish over a blow job?

http://www.rationalrevolution.net/war/bush_family_and_the_s.htm

World Watch: Peace Witness Prayer Service at the National Cathedral

March 2007 issue of Maryknoll US Catholic Church in mission overseas

Christian Peace Witness–The Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns is one of many sponsors of the upcoming “Christian Peace Witness for Iraq.” We ask you to join us for an ecumenical public witness in Washington, DC, on March 16, the fourth anniversary of the war in Iraq. As followers of Jesus Christ, our faith compels us to make our voice heard–to renew our commitment to peacemaking and to repent of our pre-emptive invasion and occupation of Iraq.

The focus of the witness will be ending the US occupation. Like Isaiah, we are called to raise our prophetic voice, saying that security cannot be achieved through military domination of one people over another. We call on one another to find genuine security in God, who insists that we build just relationships with all people. We call on the president and Congress to bring our troops home from Iraq, to remove our military bases and to stop threatening Iran and other nations.

We call on Congress to provide generous support for veterans and active-duty soldiers and their families as they seek to rebuild their lives. We advocate international reconstruction of Iraq and the provision of humanitarian aid for shattered Iraqi families.

We insist that our government treat all enemy combatants humanely and ensure that torture is banned by all agencies of the US government. We call on the president and Congress to create a federal budget that puts priority on basic human needs instead of on making war.

An evening ecumenical worship service will be held at the Washington National Cathedral, followed by a candlelight procession to the White House, and a late night peace vigil. Go to website http://www.christianpeacewitness.org for more information, including how to connect with others in your area, or contact the Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns at ogc@maryknoll.org 202-832-1780.

To join the Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns’ free action alert e-mail list, send an e-mail to maryknollalert-subscribe@npogroups.org To receive a complimentary copy of our bimonthly newsletter NewsNotes ($20 year, 26 pages), send your name and mailing address to ogc@maryknoll.org or to MOGC, P.O. Box 29132, Washington, DC 20017.

Editor’s note: we were there!

Witness the peace


There were so many demonstrations in Washington this week demanding an end to the war in Iraq that you could literally march all weekend. This is only the second time we felt compelled to take action, mostly out of frustration. My husband and I attended the Witness the Peace worship service, and we are immensely grateful that we did--it was incredibly powerful and moving.

Going to Washington is difficult for a well person coming from North Carolina but especially for me. The experience was fantastic and uplifting and unforgettable.

We left home around 11 a.m. Thursday, March 15, after I injected Copaxone for that day. We made the drive from North Carolina to Alexandria, Virginia, and braved the cold and rain intending to make our presence felt in a prayerful, positive way. We arrived in Alexandria around 6 p.m. We had reservations at the Comfort Inn on Van Dorn. We planned to join World Watch, a Christian Peace Witness (ecumenical) for Iraq, based on information my husband received in the Maryknoll magazine. Having made the six-hour trek only to be greeted with sleet and slippery pavement that Friday evening, we were prepared to forgo the service in the interests of our own safety.

But God smiled on us.

One we got settled at the hotel, my husband called a contact number and spoke to Dave Kane, a lay missionary. We were concerned about driving into Washington the next evening. Dave arranged for us to be picked up by Joe, who would ferry us to and from the service. Dave didn’t even bat an eyelash when I told him over the phone that I travel with wheelchair.

Joe came all the way from Arlington to pick us up, wheelchair and all, in front of our hotel. He arrived around 5 p.m. Friday, and we all headed out to the National Cathedral in Washington, DC, when Joe casually mentioned to us that he was going to be in the Procession. Joe is a delightful man the same age as my husband (that’s 10 years older than I am). On the way over to the prayer service, Joe said, “I hope we won’t be arrested tonight--it’s too cold!” I remarked that Cindy Sheehan used to take being arrested as a joke until she learned arrest etiquette. Joe commented that the police will warn you three times before they arrest you. It turned bitterly cold that evening, and sleet began to fall. Joe dropped us off at the ramp, and we made our way into the Cathedral, which was jammed with fellow worshippers. I wish I could describe the infinitely long moment that it took to get me out of the car, into the wheelchair, and into the Church. Actually, it’s probably a good thing that I can’t describe it--it was harrowing enough to curl your hair.

Safely in the Church, I was at liberty to examine and admire my surroundings. What a beautiful Church! It looked familiar; I seem to recall having visited with our girls when they were little. My husband snuggled into a seat on the aisle next to a large pillar. I had my own seat. I looked around at my fellow worshippers. All those people were there with one purpose: working for peace. The throng was composed of all kinds of Americans. We were later told from the pulpit that forty eight of the fifty states were represented there that evening. Isn’t that something?

We settled in, and the prayer service began.

It was amazing.

The service itself was wonderful beyond description. Encompassing four hours, it was a non- and multi-denominational event that recognized all of the spiritual paths that God’s children use to seek Him.

As the Procession made its way to the altar, there was “Joe,” all decked out in his Franciscan frock. Wow, we thought, Joe is a priest! Good thing we hadn’t used any foul language. We were within the first quarter of the congregation, allowing us to hear and see each speaker. All the speakers addressed topics of the day, pointing out the injustices perpetrated by America’s powerful upon America’s powerless. The lies that embroiled us in Iraq and the mishandling of the War. The torturing of our captives. The failures of this administration to heed the Army Corps of Engineers warnings that the New Orleans levees would break under the wrath of Katrina. The abandonment of the Katrina victims. The sending of troops into combat without training or equipment and the denial of proper medical care when they return home, shattered in mind and body. The administration’s siphoning of money--that could and should be used to help our military and the Katrina victims--into lucrative tax cuts for those who are already obscenely rich. The fostering of hatred, ignorance, and intolerance in a nation that claims to be Christian. Each speech was punctuated with thunderous applause. It was comforting to hear so many sharing the views and concerns that had brought us there.

Too often, my husband and I feel alone in our battle to restore our democracy as we work to restore justice to our beloved nation. After that service, I will never feel alone again. I will never forget the like-minded energy of my fellow audience members who applauded each sadly accurate observation that the speakers made. My husband and I both felt more energized than we could have imagined for having attended this powerful event.

After the ceremony, about half the audience--the hardy ones--donned slickers in preparation for the candlelight procession to the front of the White House, ending at Lafayette Park. By now, it was sleeting with enough accumulation to make all travel treacherous.

Father Joe hadn’t planned on participating in the candlelight procession, so the three of us headed back to Alexandria and the Comfort Inn. By now, it was 10:30 p.m. On the ride back, Father Joe spoke of his nearly twenty years’ service as a missionary in South America. He asked us if we do much activist work. Only by computer, generating e-mail, fax, and mass snail-mailings to our Senators, Congressman, and media. He asked if we participated in any demonstrations during the Viet Nam war protests.

He wondered if we were aware of the Camden 7, since he learned that we had lived in South Jersey for many years. The Camden 7 were Catholic anti-war protestors who broke into a government facility and burned draft cards. There was a priest among them who happened to be from our parish. No, we were young parents in those days, trying to set a good example for our two small children. My, how times have changed! Father Joe is assigned to a parish in DC where he works with the Spanish-speaking segment. This assignment allows him to pursue activist causes.

On Saturday, we thought of the scheduled march on the Pentagon as we enjoyed an uneventful trip home. I find it amazing how little of these protests is reported in our media. Do you know that folks around the world can’t believe how the American people are quite ignorant regarding events outside their little world? Sadly, we don’t seem to mind. Instead, the news is composed of weeks of the Anna Nicole Smith saga; hence, the dumbing down of America! Wake up, people! It is time to take back our country!

Like the march we participated in with my younger daughter, this prayer service is an experience I am devoutly grateful to have had. I will never forget it. As my younger daughter points out, her Daddy is her hero because, despite my MS, he sucked it up and made it happen--it was not an easy trip. Both my husband and Father Joe are heroes to both of us for making it happen. We couldn’t be more excited or more grateful.

And now, if I can just get myself warm after the chill of having been up north...

The Myth of the Free Market: You Can’t Have a Middle Class Without a Democracy

A government of, by, and for the people

Published on Friday, March 12, 2004 by CommonDreams.org
Democracy--Not The Free Market--Will Save America's Middle Class
by Thom Hartmann

Here are a couple of headlines for those who haven't had the time to study both economics and history:

1. There is no such thing as a free market.

2. The middle class is the creation of government intervention in the marketplace and won't exist without it (as millions of Americans and Europeans are discovering).

The conservative belief in free markets is a bit like the Catholic Church's insistence that the Earth was at the center of the Solar System in the Twelfth Century. It's widely believed by those in power; those who challenge it are branded heretics and ridiculed; and it is wrong.

In actual fact, there is no such thing as a free market. Markets are the creation of government.

Governments provide a stable currency to make markets possible. They provide a legal infrastructure and court systems to enforce the contracts that make markets possible. They provide educated workforces through public education, and those workers show up at their places of business after traveling on public roads, rails, or airways provided by government. Businesses that use the free market are protected by police and fire departments provided by government, and send their communications--from phone to fax to internet--over lines that follow public rights-of-way maintained and protected by government.

And, most important, the rules of the game of business are defined by government. Any sports fan can tell you that football, baseball, or hockey without rules and referees would be a mess. Similarly, business without rules won't work.

This explains why conservative economics wiped out the middle class during the period from 1880 to 1932, and why, when Reagan again began applying conservative economics, the middle class again began to vanish in America in the 1980s--a process that has dramatically picked up steam under George W. Bush.

The conservative mantra is let the market decide. But there is no market independent of government; what they're really saying is, Stop corporations from defending workers and building a middle class, and let the corporations decide how much to pay for labor and how to trade. This is, at best, destructive to national and international economies, and, at worst, destructive to democracy itself.

Markets are a creation of government, just as corporations exist only by authorization of government. Governments set the rules of the market. And, since our government is of, by, and for We The People, those rules have historically been set to first maximize the public good resulting from people doing business.

If you want to play the game of business, we've said in the US since 1784 (when Tench Coxe got the first tariffs passed to protect domestic industries) then you have to play in a way that both makes you money and serves the public interest.

This requires us to puncture the second balloon of popular belief. The middle class is not the natural result of freeing business to do whatever it wants, of free and open markets, or of free trade. The middle class is not a normal result of free markets. Those policies will produce a small but powerful wealthy class, a small middle mercantilist class, and a huge and terrified worker class which have traditionally been called serfs.

The middle class is a new invention of liberal democracies, the direct result of governments defining the rules of the game of business. It is, quite simply, an artifact of government regulation of markets and tax laws.

When government sets the rules of the game of business in such a way that working people must receive a living wage, labor has the power to organize into unions just as capital can organize into corporations, and domestic industries are protected from overseas competition, a middle class will emerge. When government gives up these functions, the middle class vanishes and we return to the Dickens-era normal form of totally free market conservative economics where the rich get richer while the working poor are kept in a constant state of fear and anxiety so the cost of their labor will always be cheap.

When conservatives rail in the media of the dangers of returning to Smoot-Hawley, which created the Great Depression, all they do is reveal their ignorance of economics and history. The Smoot-Hawley tariff legislation, which increased taxes on some imported goods by a third to two-thirds to protect American industries, was signed into law on June 17, 1930, well into the Great Depression. In the following two years, international trade dropped from 6 percent of GNP to roughly 2 percent of GNP (between 1930 and 1932), but most of that was the result of the depression going worldwide, not Smoot-Hawley. The main result of Smoot-Hawley was that American businesses now had strong financial incentives to do business with other American companies, rather than bring in products made with cheaper foreign labor: Americans started trading with other Americans.

Smoot-Hawley protectionist legislation did not cause the Great Depression, and while it may have had a slight short-term negative effect on the economy (1.4 percent at most according to many historians), its long-term effect was to bring American jobs back to America.

The fact that the marketplace was an artifact of government activity was well known to our Founders. As Thomas Jefferson said in an 1803 letter to David Williams, "The greatest evils of populous society have ever appeared to me to spring from the vicious distribution of its members among the occupations... But when, by a blind concourse, particular occupations are ruinously overcharged and others left in want of hands, the national authorities can do much towards restoring the equilibrium."

And the national authorities, in Jefferson's mind, should be the Congress, as he wrote in a series of answers to the French politician de Meusnier in 1786: "The commerce of the States cannot be regulated to the best advantage but by a single body, and no body so proper as Congress."

Of course, there were conservatives (like Hamilton and Adams) in Jefferson's time, too, who took exception, thinking that the trickle-down theory that had dominated feudal Europe for ten centuries was a stable and healthy form of governance. Jefferson took exception, in an 1809 letter to members of his Democratic Republican Party (now called the Democratic Party): "The care of human life and happiness, and not their destruction, is the first and only legitimate object of good government."

But, conservatives say, government is the problem, not the solution.

Of course, they can't explain how it was that the repeated series of huge tax cuts for the wealthy by the Herbert Hoover administration brought us the Great Depression, while raising taxes to provide for an active and interventionist government to protect the rights of labor to organize throughout the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s led us to the Golden Age of the American Middle Class. (The top tax rate in 1930 under Hoover was 25 percent, and even that was only paid by about a fifth of wealthy Americans. Thirty years later, the top tax rate was 91 percent, and held at 70 percent until Reagan began dismantling the middle class. As the top rate dropped, so did the middle class it helped create.)

Thomas Jefferson pointed out, in an 1816 letter to William H. Crawford, Every society has a right to fix the fundamental principles of its association. He also pointed out in that letter that some people--and businesses--would prefer that government not play referee to the game of business, not fix rules that protect labor or provide for the protection of the commons and the public good.

"We must," Jefferson wrote to Crawford, "...say to all such individuals, that if they contemplate pursuits beyond the limits of these principles and involving dangers which the society chooses to avoid, they must go somewhere else for their exercise; that we want no citizens, and still less ephemeral and pseudo-citizens like corporations, on such terms. We may exclude them from our territory, as we do persons infected with disease."

Most of the Founders advocated--and all ultimately passed--tariffs to protect domestic industries and workers. Seventy years later, Abraham Lincoln actively stood up for the right for labor to organize, intervening in several strikes to stop corporations and local governments from using hired goon squads to beat and murder strikers.

But conservative economics--the return of ancient feudalism--rose up after Lincoln's death and reigned through the Gilded Age, creating both great wealth and a huge population of what today we call the working poor. American reaction to these disparities gave birth to the Populist, Progressive, and modern Labor movements. Two generations later, Franklin Roosevelt brought us out of Herbert Hoover's conservative-economics-produced Great Depression and bequeathed us with more than a half-century of prosperity.

But now the conservatives are back in the driver's seat, and heading us back toward feudalism and serfdom (and possibly another Great Depression).

Only a return to liberal economic policies--a return to We The People again setting and enforcing the rules of the game of business--will reverse this dangerous trend. We've done it before, with tariffs, anti-trust legislation, and worker protections ranging from enforcing the rights of organized labor to restricting American companies' access to cheap foreign labor through visas and tariffs. The result was the production of something never before seen in history: a strong and vibrant middle class.

If the remnants of that modern middle class are to survive--and grow--we must learn the lessons of the past and return to the policies that in the 1780s and the late 1930s brought this nation back from the brink of economic disaster.

Thom Hartmann (thom at thomhartmann.com) is an award-winning, best-selling author and nationally syndicated daily talk show host (www.thomhartmann.com). His newest book is "We The People: A Call To Take Back America," an illustrated and edited collection of his columns first published by CommonDreams.org.

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The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act

Brian Trumbore
President/Editor, StocksandNews.com

When the causes of the Great Depression are debated, at the top of the list is the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930. Half of the sources listed it as Hawley-Smoot, but we'll go with the former. In light of President Bush's recent misguided steel tariff policy, a discussion of Smoot-Hawley (hereinafter, S-H) may provide us with a lesson or two, though as a free-trader myself, I have to admit my own mind was made up long ago.

In looking at the reasons behind the adoption of S-H, it is important to remember that the history of commerce in America was always one of high tariffs. It is a gross generalization, but for a young nation, the interests of the business community seemed to be best served by protecting our burgeoning industries, like in agriculture and textiles to name two, and our politicians were only too happy to comply by passing all manner of legislation towards that end.

Following World War I, however, U.S. business was particularly fearful that America would be flooded with the products of cheap European labor. Parts of Europe had been destroyed, nations had huge debts, and unemployment was rampant; thus, it's easy to see how costs could be lower than in the United States.

The cry for protectionism was far and wide, but President Woodrow Wilson vetoed strict tariff legislation in March 1921, weeks before he relinquished the presidency to Warren G. Harding, saying in part:

If ever there was a time when Americans had anything to fear from foreign competition, that time has passed. If we wish to have Europe settle her debts, governmental or commercial, we must be prepared to buy from her.”

Alas, Harding came in and enacted the Emergency Tariff Act of May 1921, which supported agricultural interests in particular, while that was followed by the Fordney-McCumber Tariff Act of 1922. Signed into law on September 19, 1922, this latter legislation established the highest rates in history, with tariffs on some products of up to 400%. One Republican senator labeled Fordney “protection run perfectly mad.”

Fordney-McCumber precipitated a huge trade war, yet prosperity in America continued throughout the decade of the 1920s. As we've discussed in some other Wall Street History articles, though, by the end of this period, much of the prosperity resulted from growth on Wall Street and industrial America, while the farmers were suffering due to a worldwide glut of product.

But when it came time for the presidential election of 1928, Republicans looked at the overall economic climate across the country and reached the conclusion that high tariffs worked, so it was a major proponent of the party platform. Many Democrats supported tariffs as well, as the shape of commerce in the South changed to one less reliant on agriculture.

So after President Herbert Hoover took office in March 1929, Congress immediately set to work on a new tariff regime. This is an important point, because you have to picture that this legislation was winding its way through committee long before eventual passage in June 1930. In other words, it is a fair statement to say that the prospects for Smoot-Hawley had something to do with the October 1929 market crash itself.

Granted, this is highly debatable, but as Robert Shiller points out, on Monday, October 28, the New York Times ran a front-page story on possible passage of Smoot-Hawley, while on Tuesday the 29th, the day of the Crash, other national papers had picked up on the issue. Shiller acknowledges, however, that the Times ran various stories on Smoot-Hawley, both pro and con, and it would be ludicrous to pin the blame on it for the market turmoil that fall. Regardless, the point is that S-H was in the news for a long time.

As for Hoover, he was determined to raise tariffs and by June 1930, when a delegation of bishops and bankers paid him a visit to ask for more public works projects amidst a tumbling economy. The President told them, “Gentlemen, you have come sixty days too late. The Depression is over.” On June 16, he then issued a statement through the newspapers that he would be signing a bill, in an attempt to aid those businesses damaged by the downturn.

6 of 7 Dismissed U.S. Attorneys Had Positive Job Evaluations

By Dan Eggen
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, February 18, 2007

All but one of the U.S. attorneys recently fired by the Justice Department had positive job reviews before they were dismissed, but many ran into political trouble with Washington over issues ranging from immigration to the death penalty, according to prosecutors, congressional aides and others familiar with the cases.

Two months after the firings first began to make waves on Capitol Hill, it has also become clear that most of the prosecutors were overseeing significant public-corruption investigations at the time they were asked to leave. Four of the probes target Republican politicians or their supporters, prosecutors and other officials said.

Former U.S. attorney Bud Cummins, said officials crossed a line by publicly criticizing the performance of his well-regarded colleagues. Deputy Attorney General Paul J. McNulty, recently told a Senate panel that six U.S. attorneys had been dismissed for "performance-related" reasons.

But the assertions enraged the rest of the group, some of whom feel betrayed after staying silent about the way they have been shoved from office.

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Is it expecting too much from a developed country like ours--the richest nation on earth--to have an accountable voting system?
Just asking.
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The Need for Universal Health Care

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Universal health care is a state in which all residents of a geographic or political entity have their health care paid for, regardless of medical condition or financial status. This philosophy is practiced in many countries, especially first world nations such as Canada, the United Kingdom, France and Italy.

Types of universal health care

Universal health care is a broad concept and has been implemented in several ways. These implementations tend to differ primarily in their socialistic or capitalistic construction; for example, a system where health care is paid for by private insurance companies is capitalism, while a system where the government pays for health care through taxation would be socialism.

The Health Care System in Canada is a universal system, though some services are not covered. While often called a socialized-public system it is in fact merely publicly funded. Most services are provided by private enterprises which act as contractors, billing the government for patient care.

Single-payer health care

Single-payer health care is a system whereby one party, usually the government, pays for the health care of everyone. In practice this means that the government collects taxes from the public, businesses, etc., creates an entity to administer the supply of health care and then pays health care professionals--in effect this would replace the myriad of health care companies with just one government provider.

Hybrid health care

Universal health care can be implemented without having the government pay for it in full, as in single-payer health care. Hybrid health care models emerged from efforts to reconcile the drive for expanded access and the drive against rising health care prices. This model is geared towards getting past the dichotomies that have stymied universal health care efforts, such as whether the state or federal governments should take the lead, whether the primary jurisdiction for negotiating health care should be at the market or government level and whether health care is more of an individual or societal responsibility.

Private universal health care

After governments mandate universal health care, they are often forced to supply at least some of that health care. One alternative is to deregulate the industry, and allow the principles of a free market keep costs down and encourage efficiency and innovation.

In short, universal health care can, in theory, be implemented without wealth redistribution. In actuality no such system has ever existed and all universal coverage systems require substantial government taxes and wealth redistribution. For example, if the government mandates universal health care, instead of trying to control and ration health care, they could simply enact a law whereby each person must have health insurance. People would pay for their own health insurance or find other ways of obtaining coverage, such as through employment. In practice public assistance would have to be given to those who cannot afford the cost of health care.

Funding of universal health care systems

Most European systems are financed through a mix of public and private contributions. The majority of universal health care systems are funded primarily by tax revenue (e.g. Portugal. Some nations, such as Germany, France and Japan employ a multi-payer system in which health care is funded by private and public contributions.

Single-payer describes a type of financing system in which a single entity, typically a government-run organization, acts as the administrator (or payer) to collect all health care fees, and pay out all health care costs. Some advocates of universal health care assert that single-payer systems save money that could be used directly towards health care by reducing administrative waste. For instance, according to the Drum Major Institute, a public policy, non-profit organization founded by Harry Wachtel, lawyer and advisor to Martin Luther King Jr., the estimated amount the U.S. would save each year on paperwork if it adopted single-payer health care is $161 billion. Denmark, Sweden, and Canada are some of the countries that currently employ single-payer financing of health care.

A distinction is also made between municipal and national healthcare funding. For example, one model is that the bulk of the healthcare is funded by the municipality, specialty healthcare is provided and possibly funded by a larger entity, such as a municipal co-operation board or the state, and the medications are paid by a state agency.

Countries with universal health care

Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Cuba, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, The Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Seychelles, South Korea, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sweden, The Republic of China (Taiwan), and the United Kingdom are among many countries that have various types of universal health care systems.

Mexico, South Africa, and Thailand are among those nations attempting to implement universal health care systems.

In the United States, certain publicly funded health care programs help to provide for the elderly, disabled, military service families and veterans, and the poor and federal law ensures public access to emergency services regardless of ability to pay; however, a system of universal health care has not been implemented. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts is attempting to implement a near-universal health care system by mandating that residents purchase health insurance by July 1, 2007. California, Maine, and Vermont also are attempting universal systems.

If a government has a public health care system, it is usually illegal for private institutions to provide healthcare insurance by offering lower prices. That is, it is an enforced government monopoly. Until recently, private health insurance was illegal in all of Canada. All insurance was supplied by the government. Recently, the Supreme Court of Quebec ruled, in Chaoulli v. Quebec that private business must be allowed to offer health insurance and compete with the public program.

Universal health care politics

There are many common arguments for and against universal health care. Those in favor of universal health care often point out that it would provide health care to the people who currently do not have it. Opponents of universal health care often argue that universal healthcare may require higher taxes. These opponents also claim that the absence of a market mechanism may slow innovation in treatment and research, and leads to rationing of care through waiting lists. Both sides of the political spectrum have also looked to more philosophical arguments, debating whether or not people have a fundamental right to have health care provided to them by their government. Other objections come from physicians, since universal health care almost always lowers wages.

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Are the democrats simply enablers to the republicans and the neocons?
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A letter from Dot Calm to the Chaplain at Walter Reed

Department of the Army
Walter Reed Army Medical Ctr.
Walter Reed Health Care System
Washington, DC 20307-5001

ATT: Office of the Chaplain

Dear Colonel Wiley:

I was saddened to see and hear all the bad publicity Walter Reed has been getting of late.

Our daughter is an engineer who works in the evaluation of upper limb prosthetics. She and her research team recently visited Walter Reed and had nothing but praise for the treatment of our wounded. It is unfortunate that not all of our wounded are receiving the kind of care our daughter witnessed. I hope the problems are resolved in a timely fashion.

Enclosed are fifty more cards to celebrate the arrival of the spring season. Each has a small piece of chocolate to express acknowledgment and thanks to those brave men and women who served our country so valiantly.

Please distribute these cards at your discretion. Also, let these brave soldiers know that their fellow Americans will keep them in their thoughts and prayers for speedy recovery and safe return to their families.

And lastly, thank you for all you do. Peace!

Sincerely,

Dot Calm

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We have met the enemy and they is us!

--Pogo
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Dot Calm writes her Governor with a solution for the problems at Walter Reed and elsewhere in the VA

23 February 2007

Dear Governor:

I called your office yesterday, February 22nd, with an idea I heard from a concerned citizen who called a radio station. It is such a simple idea that I feel compelled to pass it on to my governor, senators, and congressman hoping that someone will follow up. The idea is for the Governor of each state to claim the veterans languishing at Walter Reed Army Medical Center and bring them back to a hospital in their respective states.

Volunteers from our high schools, colleges, or indeed any group interested in this effort can help these veterans fill out required paperwork.

Thank you for considering this practical suggestion.

Sincerely,



Dot Calm

copy to:
My Senators
My Congressman

A Friendly Reminder

The Arrogance of Power

Forget the sentimental notion that foreign policy is a struggle between virtue and vice with virtue bound to win.

Forget the utopian notion that a brave new world without power politics will follow the unconditional surrender of wicked nations.

Forget the crusading notion that any nation, however virtuous and powerful, can have the mission to make the world over in its own image.

Remember that diplomacy without power is feeble and power without diplomacy is destructive and blind.

Remember that no nation’s power is without limits and, hence, that its policies must respect the power and interests of others.

--Professor Stanley Hoffman, Harvard University

These observations were penned in 1966 (published in 1968) during the Vietnam War.

This passage was taken from a Charlie Rose interview with Prof. Hoffmann, Wednesday, May 26, 2004.

What Every American Needs to Know about the Military Commissions Act

Center for Defense Information

For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
October 17, 2006

President Bush Signs Military Commissions Act of 2006

Military Commissions Act reestablishes special terrorism courts

Fueling debate over counter-terrorist intelligence interrogation, Congress on Sept. 29, 2006, cleared S.3930, entitled The Military Commissions Act of 2006 (MCA), which still awaits the president’s signature as of Oct. 10, 2006. The MCA creates new terrorism courts housed within the U.S. military, providing for trial before a jury of U.S. military officers presided over by a military judge, and otherwise operating under different procedures than regularly constituted U.S. courts.

A trial, among other things, is a fact-finding engine, and the conventional wisdom is that maltreatment produces bad facts. The MCA nevertheless envisions that statements gained through coercive interrogation may, in some cases, be admitted into evidence before military commissions. At the same time, the MCA purports to exclude evidence derived through torture. Under the MCA as it currently stands, admission of coercion-derived statements essentially would be at the discretion of the military judge, assessing its reliability and its usefulness at proving a case, applying potentially different standards depending on the date on which the interrogation had occurred.

Unlike Combatant Status Review Tribunals, and other mechanisms adjudging whether a detainee is something akin to an enemy soldier removed from combat, military commissions aspire to overlap with the role of regularly constituted federal courts by adjudicating criminal prosecutions and imposing criminal sentences, potentially including sentences of death.

Ironically, despite protestations that special terrorism courts run by the military are needed to handle significant cases, a civilian federal court already has prosecuted a would-be Sept. 11 hijacker, in the process admitting intelligence interrogation-induced “testimony” from alleged Sept. 11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (KSM). In its trial of self-proclaimed “20th Hijacker” and reputed paranoid schizophrenic Zacarias Moussaoui, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia admitted “testimony” derived from what were apparently KSM’s secret CIA interrogations, in the form of a written summary prepared by the U.S. government, read and signed by KSM, accompanied by an appended statement drafted directly by KSM. The combined writing was read out in court by a third party to provide the jury with the experience of hearing it spoken from the witness stand.

–Read KSM’s interrogation-induced “testimony.”
–View the prosecution-prepared Statement of Facts to which Mousaoui signed his name with the words “20th Hijacker.”

KSM, having served as a “witness” in that civilian trial, himself apparently will be brought before one of the newly formed special terrorism courts housed within the U.S. military.

Torture and cruel treatment

In a provision to be codified at 10 U.S.C. §948r(b), the MCA does purport to prohibit the admission of evidence gained through torture: “A statement obtained by use of torture shall not be admissible in a military commission under this chapter, except against a person accused of torture.”

While the MCA does not define torture in that specific provision, a separate MCA provision in MCA section 6, which amends the War Crimes Act by adding a new 18 U.S.C. §2441(d), defines “torture” as involving the commission of an act “intended to inflict severe physical or mental pain or suffering” when the infliction of severe pain or suffering is “for the purpose of obtaining information or a confession, punishment, intimidation, coercion, or any reason based on discrimination.”

In turn, it defines “severe physical or mental pain or suffering,” in the context of the term “torture,” by reference to 18 U.S.C. §2340(2), which in turn defines “severe mental pain or suffering” as meaning “prolonged mental harm” connected with “the intentional infliction or threatened infliction of severe physical pain or suffering,” mind-altering substances, the threat of imminent death, or certain threats to third parties. As a result, it would not consider mental torture to be torture unless it was prolonged for some undefined time frame and connected with severe physical pain.

So once again, as with the so-called “torture memos” of the past, one is left parsing the meaning of severe pain and suffering. In a different provision amending a War Crimes Act prohibition on cruel or inhuman treatment, the MCA, together with or amending preexisting statutory language, looks to define severe or serious pain and suffering in connection with such factors as a substantial risk of death, extreme physical pain, burns, disfigurement, or significant impairment of a bodily member, organ function or mental functioning. And, in that constellation of considerations the MCA seeks to change “prolonged” to “non-transitory.”

However, by linking the term “torture” to the purpose of information-gathering, and not doing so with respect to its efforts to define “cruel and inhuman treatment,” the MCA War Crimes Act provisions imply a different standard where information-gathering is concerned.

As mentioned above, where information-gathering is involved, the War Crimes Act provisions in the MCA define torture as involving the commission of an act “intended to inflict severe physical or mental pain or suffering” when the inflicting of severe pain or suffering is “for the purpose of obtaining information or a confession, punishment, intimidation, coercion, or any reason based on discrimination.” And, where information-gathering is involved, the torture definition is thereby not limited by considerations of such things as organ failure or the risk of death.

But, as with past torture memos, the MCA arguably nevertheless once again “splits hairs” about degrees of abuse, and leaves open the precise nature of what is meant by pain and suffering in the context of information-gathering. And, on its face it declines to acknowledge mental torture to be torture, unless it is prolonged and linked with physical torture.

Coerced evidence admitted

Moreover, as mentioned above, the MCA permits the admission of coerced statements under some circumstances, leaving much of the determination to the discretion of the military judge.

A chronological “line in the sand” is drawn based upon the Dec. 30, 2005, effective date of the Detainee Treatment Act (DTA), which contains the McCain Amendment purporting to ban the mistreatment of all U.S. detainees.

The MCA provision to be codified at 10 U.S.C. §948r(c) provides that, with respect to interrogations occurring prior to Dec. 30, 2005, evidence gained by coercive means may be admitted, essentially at the military judge’s discretion. The standard for pre-DTA interrogations is that a “statement … in which the degree of coercion is disputed” is admitted if under the circumstances “the military judge finds … the statement reliable and possessing sufficient probative value; and … justice would best be served by admission … into evidence.” “Probative value” generally means that the statement would be useful at establishing a fact important to the proceedings.

Under §948r(d), for post-DTA interrogations, the standard is the same, with the added element that the military judge is called upon to determine whether “the interrogation methods used to obtain the statement do not amount to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment prohibited by [the DTA].” The DTA, in turn, looks to whether mistreatment violates the U.S. Constitution’s prohibitions on cruel, unusual, and inhumane treatment or punishment in the Fifth, Eighth, and 14th Amendments, which DTA notes is also the standard cited in the U.S. reservations to the Convention Against Torture.

As can be seen, in both pre-DTA and post-DTA cases, the trigger is whether the degree of coercion is disputed. Arguably this raises the prospect that, even if torture ever occurred, as long as there was a dispute about the degree of coercion, the military judge could admit a statement derived from torture or other degrees of maltreatment if the military judge found that (1) the level of coercion, e.g., the level of pain and suffering was disputed (2) under the circumstances presented to him he found the statement reliable and, if accepted as true, helpful at proving a salient fact, and (3) the interests of justice militate in favor of letting a statement in.

On the last point it should, of course, be noted that the interests of justice must separate out the question of the severity of a crime, whoever happened to commit it from the determination of the identity of the actual perpetrator.

And, again, given conventional wisdom that maltreatment produces bad information; the standard of statement reliability begs the question of how useful maltreatment-derived statements would be in the first place towards establishing facts.

Self incrimination

The U.S. Constitution’s Fifth Amendment provides that no defendant may lawfully “be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself.” The MCA attempts to narrow the scope of that provision to apply only to testimony taking place directly before military commission proceedings, not interrogations, even when those interrogations induce statements that are themselves later brought into evidence before those very same proceedings.

In a provision to be codified at 10 U.S.C. §948r(a), the MCA states merely “No person shall be required to testify against himself at a proceeding of a military commission.”

DOD military lawyers indirectly overseeing CIA

To the extent prosecutors seek to introduce the product of Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) interrogations as evidence before military commissions, military judges could end up reviewing CIA interrogation practices and thereby indirectly serve as checks and balances on them. President George W. Bush delivered a Sept. 6, 2006, speech on detainee policies in which he confirmed that the CIA has been serving as the lead agency for secret imprisonments and interrogations outside U.S. territory of a select number of alleged high-value terrorism suspects. He announced that alleged Sept. 11 mastermind KSM and thirteen other such detainees most recently held by the CIA would be transferred to DOD custody for incarceration by Joint Task Force-Guantanamo Bay (JTF-GTMO) to face trial before military commissions. (Note also that the prospect has not necessarily been ruled out that secret CIA interrogations will continue to take place in the future.)

At a time when DOD detainee standards have been “ratcheted up,” through administrative rulemaking and otherwise, it will be military judges, coming from the legal culture of a robust military justice system, that will be examining and passing judgment on how the CIA conducted itself in its handling of alleged “high-value” al-Qaeda detainees such as KSM. That legal culture arguably is one in which respect for rule of law potentially can be equated with military effectiveness, dovetailing with discipline, respect for the command structure, and a sense of duty and honor. It was a military attorney from the JAG system, assigned as military commission counsel under the old military commission system, who, in his zeal to represent his alleged terrorist client, filed suit in civilian court against his own Secretary of Defense. Eventually, after various procedural twists and turns, including a change of venue, the Supreme Court’s decision in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 05-184, slip op. (U.S. June 29, 2006), held military commissions in their previous form unlawful. And if KSM comes before a military commission as planned, it will be up to a military judge to determine whether anonymous allegations that, for example, KSM was subjected to CIA waterboarding, now explicitly outlawed for DOD interrogations, are credible and color KSM’s statements sufficiently to render them inadmissible.

Appellate review limited

The discretion of the military judge to admit coerced testimony, based upon his view of the totality of the circumstances and the interests of justice, arguably is expanded by the fact that while a case may be reviewed by the convening authority (the Secretary of Defense or his designee), §950f, a newly created Court of Military Commission Review), §950g, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, §950g, and the U.S. Supreme Court, §950g, the MCA purports to limit review by the Court of Military Commission Review and the D.C. Circuit to matters of law.

At the same time, an additional element the military judge is to consider with respect to coerced statements made in post-DTA interrogations is the meaning of cruel, unusual, and inhumane treatment or punishment under the Fifth, Eighth, and 14th Amendments. Such a determination is a matter of law, even if a subjective determination parsing levels of cruelty and inhumanity might be argued to be a dispute of fact. But, however, determinations of how any level of cruelty, pre-DTA or post-DTA, impacts on the credibility of a statement, however factual, also could be argued to be questions of law, to the extent there is the matter of “where to draw the line,” coupled with questions over the capacity of a military judge to determine a particular detainee’s “breaking point” or how to weigh statements made under duress. In the end however, the admission of any maltreatment-induced statement could encounter stiff constitutional obstacles, undermining the pre-DTA/post-DTA distinction to begin with.

Additional thoughts

There is, of course, a necessity that government action conform to rule of law, and the Constitution in particular. Among other reasons, this is because the government is a creature of law to begin with.

To illustrate, if Donald Rumsfeld travels overseas, with the U.S. Constitution he travels as secretary of defense and draws a taxpayer-funded salary, both made possible by the Constitution. Without the Constitution he would merely be a tourist.

Moreover, rule of law, including a foundational sense of right and wrong, forms a bedrock of American strength and prosperity, a force which can and should serve as an antidote to a terrorism that ultimately is a form of lawlessness, in many ways a throwback to the anti-sovereign renegades and warlords of old.

But beyond rule of law considerations, as an additional practical and operational matter, curiosity can be raised over why, in military commission proceedings, the need is felt to admit evidence that is potentially tainted. One rightly can ask whether there should be concern over what is implied by they who advocate the possible admission of tainted evidence. Are they raising the implication, accurate or not, that the preparation of cases against alleged terrorists might potentially falter without the tainted evidence?

This stance arguably risks sending the wrong message about the vitality of U.S. counter-terrorist intelligence-gathering five years after Sept. 11, 2001, and more generally American strength and readiness against asymmetric threats. This is especially the case, given the nature of terrorism, that terrorists essentially are a blend of spies, saboteurs, and “old-time” anti-sovereign, lawless renegades. As a result, counterterrorist operations ultimately are called to be counter-criminal operations depending upon the capacity successfully to identify, assess, and root out threats individual by individual, even while seeking also, in other areas of policy, to snuff out the seeds of terrorism by thwarting recruitment, fund-raising and addressing related terrorism-related social, economic and mental health issues.

Nevertheless, this article’s focus is more on the admission of evidence in trial proceedings, indirectly impacting interrogation standards. With respect to interrogation standards, not dealt with squarely by this article are MCA provisions regarding, for example, War Crimes Act provisions, applying even when the results of interrogations are not submitted as possible evidence in legal proceedings.

Appendix

MCA excerpt on coerced statements:

Sec. 948r. Compulsory self-incrimination prohibited; treatment of statements obtained by torture and other statements

(a) In General- No person shall be required to testify against himself at a proceeding of a military commission under this chapter.

(b) Exclusion of Statements Obtained by Torture- A statement obtained by use of torture shall not be admissible in a military commission under this chapter, except against a person accused of torture as evidence that the statement was made.

(c) Statements Obtained Before Enactment of Detainee Treatment Act of 2005- A statement obtained before December 30, 2005 (the date of the enactment of the Defense Treatment Act of 2005) in which the degree of coercion is disputed may be admitted only if the military judge finds that--

--(1) the totality of the circumstances renders the statement reliable and possessing sufficient probative value; and

--(2) the interests of justice would best be served by admission of the statement into evidence.

(d) Statements Obtained After Enactment of Detainee Treatment Act of 2005- A statement obtained on or after December 30, 2005 (the date of the enactment of the Defense Treatment Act of 2005) in which the degree of coercion is disputed may be admitted only if the military judge finds that--

--(1) the totality of the circumstances renders the statement reliable and possessing sufficient probative value;

--(2) the interests of justice would best be served by admission of the statement into evidence; and

--(3) the interrogation methods used to obtain the statement do not amount to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment prohibited by section 1003 of the Detainee Treatment Act of 2005.

(excerpted from http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/
cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=109_cong_bills&docid=f:s3930enr.txt.pdf
)

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Hang on, Stevens!

Back by special request! (OK, it was just little me…I needed to hear it again!) Download the song and get ready to smile.

http://greenespace.blogspot.com/2006/02/hang-on-stevens.html

Coming April: more Federalist Papers