Wednesday, April 01, 2015

Liberal Education

Defunding Disciplines Basic to Democracy

By Carol Geary Schneider and David Townsend

There would be no America if Thomas Jefferson cared more about beans and viticulture than the truth that all men are created equal, if John Adams cared more about the legality of contracts for debt than liberty, if Benjamin Franklin cared more about inventing and marketing new technologies than the pursuit of happiness.

America arose on a foundation of ideas, dialogue, values, and aspirations that still stand today at the heart of a strong liberal—and liberating—education.

America is an idea, not just a land or an institution.

America is not based, as many countries are, on territory, language, religious sectarianism, class, ethnic history, tribal dominance, blood, or culture.

Our founders read carefully and thought deeply about ideas of freedom, equality, justice, and democracy.

And so should all Americans, through studies in the humanities and arts.

Yet many Americans seem not to be thinking at all about the need for dedicated liberal education in order to preserve, protect, and advance America’s courageous experiment

Too many leaders—on all parts of the political spectrum—think technical training and job skills are the way to prosperity and security.

They are dismissive of the potential power of engaging diverse ideas and thinking through deep immersion in the arts and humanities.

Their theory seems to be that we can be successful in the pursuit of happiness, economic justice, and entrepreneurial prosperity without the necessity of thinking and imagining—that we no longer need to examine ideas and values, but only economic results and graduates’ financial “return on investment.”

And so we see everywhere the present relentless dismissal and marginalization of the humanities and arts—fundamental fields of study that, by any thoughtful reckoning, provide indispensable resources for enduring prosperity and strong, democratic republics.

These developments are crippling.

As Thomas Jefferson warned, “If a nation expects to be ignorant and free, in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and never will be.”

He knew—and we need to recognize—that studies in the arts and humanities, across both school and college, help secure the future of freedom by fostering capacities essential to self-governance.

Read The Federalist Papers and you will understand that politics is the resolution of legitimate conflicting interests, and that the goal of governing is to mitigate the violence of factions formed against the common good and the rights of individuals.

Questions about these topics abound in our society (and every society).

The leaking of the National Security Agency’s glut of information about Americans invites a deep discussion of liberty and security in a democratic republic that knows itself to be at risk from enemies.

The fevered questions surrounding the death of Trayvon Martin and the prosecution of George Zimmerman take us back to core questions of justice, liberty, and community.

Yet when we lack the preparation to talk about serious problems and events as our founders could, the deliberations necessary to self-governance too readily devolve into rants and factions.

A new proposal to further deplete the humanities and arts has arrived with fresh and startling evidence that studies our founders saw as fundamental now are considered expendable.

The US House of Representatives Committee on Appropriations recommends that federal funding for the National Endowment for the Humanities be reduced by 49 percent in fiscal year 2014.

The committee recommends a comparable slashing for the National Endowment for the Arts.

In its report to accompany the budget resolution for fiscal year 2014, the House Committee on the Budget states that federal subsidies for NEH and NEA (and other public programs) “can no longer be justified” because “the activities and content they fund are generally enjoyed by people of higher income levels, making them a wealth transfer from poorer to wealthier citizens.”

This conclusion that the arts and humanities are luxuries for those with disposable income misunderstands fundamentally the life of a democratic republic that derives its strength from ideas and values more powerful than factions based on differences in wealth and class.

Democracy requires the muscle of ideas and values that we learn to flex in grappling with core texts in the humanities and arts—our greatest ally in the pursuit of economic and social justice.

A liberal education rich in such studies empowers citizens to lead change and solve problems collaboratively and imaginatively with people whose perspectives, histories, and worldviews may be very different from their own.

Democracy and a creative economy depend on these capabilities and falter when they are lacking.

The contemporary dismissal of the humanities and arts weakens America domestically and also undermines brave people globally seeking to build effective self-governing republics based on the consent of the people.

Those serious about these goals understand that the ideas of democracy and liberty are stronger than militaries or disbursals of cash.

Free societies will not be achieved by technocratic means without a foundation in ideas and values.

The humanities and arts are disciplines “basic to democracy” because, while all learning is important to civic inquiry and vitality, the humanities and arts play a distinctive role in developing knowledge and a temper of mind and heart that are indispensable to a free society.

Through the study of history we come to understand the roots, contexts, and complexities of issues we face as citizens.

Studies in our democratic heritage confront us directly with fundamental questions about justice, freedom, obligation, equality, and democracy itself

Through philosophy and religion, we explore questions of meaning and value and come to understand the sources of our own and other peoples’ most profound commitments and concerns.

Through literature, we develop empathy, imagination, and insight about the varieties of human experience and about shared hopes and frailties.

The combined study of history, literature, arts, and languages empowers us to engage cultures and communities different from our own, while regional and comparative studies hone the dialogue of democracy and economic opportunity at home and abroad.

The study of the creative, visual, and performing arts brings us into direct contact with powerful expressions of the human spirit and develops our capacities for creativity, communication, and self-expression.

Together, the humanities and arts take us beyond the known to the realms of the possible.

The night Martin Luther King was assassinated, Robert Kennedy quoted Aeschylus to an angry crowd gathered in Indianapolis.

He respected the mostly poor and black Americans who came to hear him with a text and ideas revealing the human condition in ways that the House committee does not understand.

Although two hundred cities erupted into flames that night, Indianapolis did not.

Arts and humanities inspire us to dream of things that never were, and ask: Why not?

They cultivate, in sum, the kinds of imagination, creativity, and inventiveness that give life and hope to a vigorous, flourishing entrepreneurial economy and a vibrant democracy.

The capacity of all Americans to thrive and succeed should be a national and patriotic priority.

Far better to expand all students’ engagement with the humanities and arts than to deceive less advantaged students with overwrought and shortsighted promises that narrow vocational training is their best choice in a fast-changing economy and all they really need.

But it is not enough just to ensure equitable access to study the arts and humanities.

We also need to think deeply about how students engage these disciplines and especially about pedagogies that will most effectively develop their strengths for economic foresight, political empowerment, and the security of our country.

In recent months, there have been intense media and academic controversies over contested textbooks, both the Texas history text and Howard Zinn’s history of the American people.

We believe that these debates help focus the question of whether any single text or textbook, whatever its merits, ought to serve as the dominant or exclusive lens through which students explore humanistic questions and topics.

For democratic communities, no single story can ever be adequate.

Our ability to say “we” legitimately comes only when we explore the many in the one, whether domestically or globally. E pluribus unum.

Students reap the full benefits of study in the arts and humanities only when they move beyond repeating a single voice or limiting their ideas to a single text or textbook.

Students gain when they courageously engage with multiple voices and artifacts, classic and contemporary,

Western and global.

When the humanities and arts are studied in this way—exploring significant questions, both contemporary and enduring, through respectful engagement with differing insights, perspectives, and creative works—they build capacities that enable us to secure and enlarge the future of freedom and increase the wealth of America and the world.

Over several decades, our two organizations have enacted together the value of studying diverse primary texts and contested questions.

Every summer, the Wye Seminars, cosponsored by the Aspen Institute and the Association of American Colleges and Universities, provide rich opportunities for faculty and other academic leaders to explore fundamental questions about liberty, justice, equity, prosperity, and effective citizenship through a collaborative study of often conflicting texts, classic and contemporary.

Both organizations have made this commitment to support faculty and academic leaders’ dialogue about citizens’ responsibilities in the American and global polity because we believe that democracy requires deep, thoughtful, and respectful engagement with legitimate difference.

Faculty who have experienced this kind of liberal learning reenact it with their students, to democracy’s benefit.

Our founders gave us a self-governing republic and challenged us to nurture and sustain it.

It will be impossible to meet this responsibility if the humanities and arts continue to be marginalized in our society or if these essential forms of learning are taught reductively, through the lens of a single text, a single view, or a single faction.

These methods diminish the power of ideas and dialogue.

To abandon this common, foundational wisdom is to weaken America and democratic republics across the globe.

Leaders who undervalue ideas, arts, and humanities open the door to plutocrats, despots, factions, violence, and chaos—all the ancient enemies of prosperity, freedom, and democracy.

******
Carol Geary Schneider is president of the Association of American Colleges and Universities. David Townsend is senior adviser for seminars of the Aspen Institute, and director of Wye Seminars on Citizenship in the American and Global Polity. This article originally appeared in Inside Higher Ed on August 5, 2013

It’s Official: America is an Oligarchy and NOT a Democracy or a Republic

Scientific Study Shows that the U.S. Is an Oligarchy

We noted last year:
American democracy–once a glorious thing–has devolved into an oligarchy, according to two leading IMF officials, the former Vice President of the Dallas Federal Reserve, the head of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, Moody’s chief economist and others.
But don’t take their word for it …

A new quantitative study by Princeton’s Martin Gilens and Northwestern’s Benjamin Page finds that America is not a democracy … but is an oligarchy.

Here’s a quick visual overview from the study:

Figure 1. Predicted probability of policy adaption (dark lines, left) by policy disposition; the distribution of preferences (gray column)

In other words, when the fatcats want something, it will probably happen.

But when the little guys want something … not so much.

Highlights from the study:
A great deal of empirical research speaks to the policy influence of one or another set of actors, but until recently it has not been possible to test these contrasting theoretical predictions against each other within a single statistical model.
This paper reports on an effort to do so, using a unique data set that includes measures of the key variables for 1,779 policy issues.
******

Economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on U.S. government policy, while mass-based interest groups and average citizens have little or no independent influence.
Our results provide substantial support for theories of Economic Elite Domination and for theories of Biased Pluralism, but not for theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy or Majoritarian Pluralism.
******
Very few studies have offered quantitative evidence concerning the impact of interest groups based on a number of different public policies.
******
Prior to the availability of the data set that we analyze here, no one we are aware of has succeeded at assessing interest group influence over a comprehensive set of issues, while taking into account the impact of either the public at large or economic elites–let alone analyzing all three types of potential influences simultaneously.
******
The chief predictions of pure theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy can be decisively rejected.
Not only do ordinary citizens not have uniquely substantial power over policy decisions; they have little or no independent influence on policy at all.
By contrast, economic elites are estimated to have a quite substantial, highly significant, independent impact on policy.
******
These results suggest that reality is best captured by mixed theories in which both individual economic elites and organized interest groups (including corporations, largely owned and controlled by wealthy elites) play a substantial part in affecting public policy, but the general public has little or no independent influence.
******
When a majority–even a very large majority–of the public favors change, it is not likely to get what it wants
In our 1,779 policy cases, narrow pro-change majorities of the public got the policy changes they wanted only about 30% of the time.
More strikingly, even overwhelmingly large pro-change majorities, with 80% of the public favoring a policy change, got that change only about 43% of the time.
******
Our findings probably understate the political influence of elites.
******
What do our findings say about democracy in America?
They certainly constitute troubling news for advocates of “populistic” democracy, who want governments to respond primarily or exclusively to the policy preferences of their citizens.
In the United States, our findings indicate, the majority does not rule—at least not in the causal sense of actually determining policy outcomes.
When a majority of citizens disagrees with economic elites and/or with organized interests, they generally lose.
Moreover, because of the strong status quo bias built into the U.S. political system, even when fairly large majorities of Americans favor policy change, they generally do not get it.
******
If policymaking is dominated by powerful business organizations and a small number of affluent Americans, then America’s claims to being a democratic society are seriously threatened.
No wonder the chairman of the Department of Economics at George Mason University said that politicians are not prostitutes, they are pimps...pimping out their services to the highest bidder.

The Supreme Court is not much better: their allowance of unlimited campaign spending allows the oligarchs to purchase politicians more directly than ever.

Moreover, there are two systems of justice in America...one for the big banks and the other fatcats, and one for everyone else.

And not only do we not have democracy, but we also no longer have a free market economy.

Instead, we have fascism, communist style, kleptocracy, banana republic style corruption, or–yes–"oligarchy."

The Republican Party knows exactly what it is doing. 

It will attempt to defund education whenever it can. 

It does not want or need an educated populous. 

It does not want or need questions being asked. 

It wants the continued destruction of the middle class which was just too big and too powerful. 

It wants the methodical destruction of as many institutions as possible, from the U.S. Postal Service to the powerful Teachers Union to the Teamsters.

Today the Postal Service is a shadow of its former self. The Teachers haven't fared much better. The Teamsters? Their story is yet to be written.

It is frightening to see how vulnerable we were and how easy it was to take this democracy down. 

All it took was to keep us distracted with endless war.
Dot Calm    

*********************************************
AS THE RICH BECOME MUCH RICHER, THE LEVEL
OF INCOME AND WEALTH INEQUALITY HAS
REACHED OBSCENE AND UNIMAGINABLE LEVELS.
*********************************************